RUSSIAN ECCLESIASTICAL MISSION. ^[1]

Third Part.

BY J. DUDGEON, EsQ. M. D.

The past history of the Greek Church in, and Russian intercourse with China, are so mixed up, that to write the one, necessitates describing the other. For this reason this and the last paper might with more propriety have been designated by the latter appellation, although our main object, as the subsequent chapters will shew, is to describe the Ecclesiastical Mission. To do so, it was necessary, however briefly, to sketch as has been and is here attempted, the rise and progress of commerce and intercourse between the two Empires. Without this cursory retrospect, the present position of the Political and Ecclesiastical Missions (for since 1860 there have been two distinct missions) would be but imperfectly understood. Moreover, owing to the length of time that has elapsed (nearly 200 years) since the taking of Albazin and the carrying away of its brave defenders to Kitai's capital and the treaty negotiations consequent thereupon, and also owing to the number of writers in various languages, who have since undertaken to describe or translate such of the works on the subject as have come to light, and likewise, to the retention from the European public of the ample and correct materials in the possession of the Russian Government, (afraid probably of its position and influence in the East attracting too much attention), a great deal of confusion and misstatement has crept into the various notices we have of the early history of the Russian Mission and Intercourse. Unpalatable information, defeat and such things, are apt to be construed by two opposing parties, to suit circumstances. More recent writers, borrowing from proceeding ones or from translators, have perpetuated their errors. We have endeavoured to point out and rectify a few of these. Here is a specimen of the confusion that prevails:—Ritter, late Professor of Geography in the university of Berlin, is made to say through an incorrect translation of his reviewer in the Christian Review for March 1839 quoted in the Chinese Repository, (Vol. VIII. p. 407) that after the treaty of 1689 triennial caravans were only to cross the boundary, and any attempt in the interval was to be regarded as an aggression. Then followed the settlement of Albazin, 150 miles beyond the limit, its capture and the carrying away of the captives to Beijing. Timkowsky also and others preceding and following him, have stated, as we have already pointed out, that Yakesa was taken in 1684. This is only part of the truth. In these statements and others to be hereafter referred to, much misconception prevails. It may be true, we offer it at least as an explanation, that some of the prisoners may have been brought hither at various times between 1684 and 1689, during the varying changes of fortune that attended the fort of Albazin, and the Russian settlements on the Amoor.

In the former paper we have given the most authentic and reliable information regarding these early transactions, which it is possible now to obtain. It may be well, however, to state in addition that in Veränderte Russland, (Frankfort 1721 p. 166) it is said on the authority of merchants of the caravan who had returned from Beijing 1716, that by virtue of the boundary adjustment 23 years earlier, some Chinese had become tributary to the Russians and 90 Russian families were made subject to the Chinese. Considerable reliance ought to be placed on this old authority, as some of the Albazins must then have been living and could vouch for the truth of the statement. In a subsequent chapter we shall give some original and hitherto unpublished information drawn from Russian and Chinese sources regarding the early settlement of Cossacks at Beijing &c. We shall studiously abstain from enlarging in these papers on points already investigated and published in English, except in so far as they may be at variance with the truth or seem necessary to confirm what may be advanced.

A long account of the negotiations which led to the treaty of Nerchinsk is found in the Chinese Repository Vol. VIII p. 415, according to Gerbillon's account as given by Du Halde.

The 5th article of the above treaty states that all subjects of either crown in the country of the other, at the time of the treaty, shall remain as they are. This does not agree with the statement in Erman's Archives (XIII 4 p. 588) that the Albazins were at liberty by the treaty to remain or to return home and that they resolved upon the first, and thus became Chinese subjects. Bell is right when he says, that the prisoners on both sides were to remain unexchanged. The confusion here has arisen doubtless from the wording of the 2nd article, the 3rd in the Russian of the same treaty, which says that the city Albazin, built by the Russian Czar, shall be completely destroyed. The inhabitants with all their goods were to return to Russia. This clause refers to the time of the treaty although it is not clearly expressed; the former, to all those subjects of either empire who were then and had for some time been in their respective countries. The view advanced by some (Murray's China) that this fortress was given up by the Russians on the condition of being permitted to trade with Beijing, is not borne out by the treaty of Nerchinsk. No mention is made of the fortress, further than that it was to be razed to the ground, although in the 6th article, it is said that persons of both nations, properly provided with passports, shall be suffered to buy and sell whatever they think fit and carry on a mutual trade. This treaty therefore recognizes trade as one of its articles, a view which some are inclined to deny. Of course the first and main article concerns the boundary question. Nothing is said of caravans. Russia by this treaty voluntarily excluded herself from these discoveries which she had made in the East. Wenyukoff in his "Treaty of commerce between Russia and China" in Russian, states that the Chinese were permitted to receive Russian merchants and to trade with them, but durst not themselves go to Russia. No mention is made of this in the treaty, indeed the opposite is affirmed, but practically afterwards it may have become so.

Following the order of events, we must now notice shortly the Russian embassy to Beijing under the German merchant Everhardt Ysbrand Ides; in 1692. He belonged to Glückstadt on the Elbe, and wrote a journal of his three year's travels to China which was published at Amsterdam in 1704. This work has been translated into English. A French translation, Amsterdam 1727 also exists. He left Moscow on the 14th March 1692 and arrived at the capital of Cathay on the 5th November 1693, after a march of a year and a half, a distance of 8000 wersts. He had an audience of Kangxi on the 15th of the same month, at which he delivered his Czarish Majesty's credentials. On the 19th he was invited to a banquet in the palace, where to his great inconvenience he was obliged to sit cross-legged. The Jesuits, Gerbillion, a Frenchman, and two Portuguese were his interpreters. Great prominence is given in his accounts to the manner of the entertainments given to him. Before his departure he had another audience. From his description he must have performed the Koutou, although he does not mention it. In other respects he offered no objection to the forms of the Chinese Court.

In his book of travels he devotes a very small space to his visit to Beijing altogether incommensurate with the importance and interest of the subject and his mission. There is everywhere great constraint, manifested. He dwells on the unimportant and epicurean aspect of things, and passes by the usages of the court and many other interesting subjects with a single sentence. He is careful to tell us that he, unlike other travellers, describes truthfully what he saw. When in presence of the Emperor he tells us more than once that he was careful to observe the European mode. In other places he adds characteristically "after the usual ceremonies" "with the utmost respect I paid my compliments to the Emperor" &c. The bare mention of this care which he took for the dignity of his Master is exceedingly suspicious. When all the great mandarins around him and the Jesuit fathers too, are bowing and reverencing the "Son of Heaven" he alone is permitted to conform to the Western mode! Sir G. Staunton in his translation of the mission of Tulishen to the Tourgouth Tartars, hereafter mentioned, quotes a passage (p. 12) from the historian of the expedition, in which it is positively stated that Ides was obliged to comply with the court ceremonies. This agrees with what occurred to Ismailoff 28 years later. He does not say particularly from whom he quotes. He may have been supplied with the information about the Koutou by the Jesuits. Ides was accompanied by one Ad. Brand who wrote a description of his Chinese Journey in 1692 and which was published at Frankfort 1697. (See Hitter's Asien I p. 104). This work is full of statements opposed to the Diary of Ides the Ambassador in whose suite he was. I am unable to say whether it is from this book that Staunton quotes, not having it by me for consultation.

Ides left Beijing on the 19th Feb. 1694 and arrived at Moscow on the following New Year's day. It was a political mission, undertaken with the view probably of ratifying the treaty negotiated in Sept. 1689 and consolidating and improving the relations of the two empires, so lately and for so long a time disturbed and broken off by the depredations on the frontier and especially on the banks of the Amoor. Besides bringing the question of commerce before the Emperor, which the latter permitted as per treaty of Nerchinsk, he (Ides) according to Wenyukoff requested permission to build a Russian church in Beijing, but this was refused.

Ides was not so well received in Beijing, as he describes in his work. The Czar's letter was sent back, because his name stood before that of Kangxi. The Russian presents were also returned: nothing was conceded. Peter the Great ordered this failure to be kept secret. From documents lately come to light in St. Petersburgh, it is proved that Ides was very badly received. He wrote at the command of the Czar, and the meagre description which he gives us makes us suppose, without even this evidence, that he was writing under restraint and reciting to us what was not absolutely true.

In the year 1712, Kangxi sent Tulishen on a mission to the Tourgouth Tartars, (who had migrated Westward and were then living on the banks of the Volga and North of the Caspian Sea and who afterwards becaome subject to the Mantchu dynasty) with the design of persuading their Khan Aak to make an attack upon the Djungaren.

Tulishen travelled through Russia and was well received every where. He was not however invited to court, as the Czar was busy at that time with the Sweedish war. In his instructions, Kangxi advised him, if invited to court, to conform to the customs and ceremonies of that country. (The reviewer of Ides' mission to Beijing in the Ch. Repos. Vol. VIII. p. 527, in speaking of this, seems to fall into a mistake regarding the time when this Chinese mission was sent to the banks of the Volga, as he places Tulishen's instructions to conform to the Russian court usage "as if with reference to the stipulation" made to Ismailoff. Tulishen's mission was eight years prior to that of Ismailoff.) In civilized countries this is the proper course, and with such a rule the Chinese would be the gainers, as no country has such grievous and slavish ceremonies as the Middle Kingdom. If each country observed its own usages at the courts of the others, the Chinese would suffer most for a like reason. In the same instructions it is said, as the Russians are vain and ostentatious, and will doubtless display the several things they possess, you are neither on such occasions to express admiration nor contempt. We mention this as characteristic of the higher Chinese at the present day.

This mission was undertaken during the years 1712, 13, 14 and 15. It was received at the Siberian frontier by Prince Gagarin, the Governor, and everywhere entertained freely and when it paid a visit to the capital of Siberia—Tobolsk in 1714, it was drawn in a magnificent manner in the governor's own carriage and attended by his own servants. In the account given of it at this point, it has been deemed specially noteworthy, to observe their great fondness for tobacco. From the time the members entered the carriage until they descended f it, as also during meals, they smoked continually. The Prince however apologized that no such custom prevailed in Russia; until after dinner he allowed a pipe to be offered to the most notable among them, who however would not accept of it, but said, that there were seven Chinese delegates, who had all eaten together and one was as good as the other and therefore all must be treated a like. They produced their credentials written in Latin, Chinese, and Mongolian. (All the negotiations between Russia aud China were carried on through the Governor at Tobolsk. The Governor at this time was Prince Gagarin who was superseded in Dec. 1718. The ambassadors were never sent to the Czar, (except in one case mentioned hereafter) who wished to avoid the ceremonies). Whereupon the Prince remarked that their Master was about to go to war with a mighty Tartarian prince named Bahadir. Because the lands of the Khan Ajuga lay between China and those of the Khan Bahadir, these ambassadors were sent to the former, to prevail upon him either to come to a rupture or to remain neutral. They had already been two years on the journey, and it is said that there were three Jesuits secretly in company with this embassy in order to bring back to the Emperor the news of the most remarkable things which they should see on the journey.

We have presented these little details in full, in as much as Sir G. Staunton has given us a translation from the Chinese of the paper which they prepared for the Emperor on their return.

On the return to China of this mission, Peter the Great sent the Archimandrite Hilarion with ten priests and other persons to Beijing. This was the first Russian Ecclesiastical mission. The captive Albazines were constituted part of the Emperor's body guard on being brought to Beijing; they bore a higher rank than others and were retained for the most faithful service. They remained unmolested in the profession of their religion and while the Russian Priest (or priests, for the language used is plural) whom they had brought with them (Leontieff) had shortly thereafter died, they applied to the Emperor to allow others to come from Russia, which he was pleased to grant and wrote to Prince Gagarin to have certain Russian Popen sent. Gagarin at the order of the Czar sent two (?) Archimandrites together with Popen and Protopopen (different orders of priests) and these were the missionaries proceeding to Beijing which the Caravan of 1713 from Russia met in 1715 outside the great wall.

Shortly after this ecclesiastical mission left for China, Kangxi wrote again to Gagarin to seek out for him a good Doctor and at the same time to send with him serviceable physic for pleasure! An English Surgeon from the Hospital of St. Petersburg (British Physicians at the court of Russia were not then uncommon) was appointed, upon whom afterwards the title of Doctor was conferred. He travelled with the desired and other medicines in company with one of the engineers sent by the Czar, called Laurence Langen, who was commissioned among other things to bring back with him a Chinese porcelain stove.

The Surgeon's name was Thomas Garwin or Harwing. (In Russian H and G are alike, as also N and Ng). Lange, a Swede, from Stockholm, afterwards Lieutenant in the Russian service, consul at Beijing and still later vice governor of Irkutsk and Russian Imperial Chancery counsellor, was sent to Beijing by Peter the Great, during the building of the country seat Peterhof in the gulf of Finland between the capital and Cronstadt, in order to procure Chinese decorations for some of the rooms, to learn the Chinese art of building, and with particular directions to study Chinese commerce. (Compare Pallas Neue nordische Beyträge 1781 II p. 83; and Klaproth Memoires rel. a l'Asie I p. 4.) He accompanied the English Surgeon. In the introduction to the Journal of his two last visits to Beijing (1727 and 36) as published from Pallas, Leipzig 1781, it is incorrectly stated that he went to Beijing first in 1718 and then again in 1719. His first journey thither only took him 15 months and he returned only in the former year. He accompanied Ismailoff in 1719, Connt Wladislawitsch in 1726, and again went to Beijing for the fourth time in 1736.

Lange and his companion left St. Petersburgh on the 18th August 1715, and arrived in Beijing in the 11th Nov. 1716. They were objects of great curiosity to the several thousands who flocked round them and pressed so hard that they had barely room to stand. They were so anxious to see and examine their persons, that some of the crowd impolitely pulled at their wigs to see how they were made; others, their hats; some turned up their coats to look at their trousers and stockings. Finally after standing thus a long time, two Jesuit fathers, Kilianus Stumph and Dominicus Parrehin, two of the leading men of the Society at Beijing, came to visit them by order of the Emperor. After asking them by order of Kangxi, how long they had been from Europe—how long on the way—about the health of the Czar—various questions to the Dr. about medicines, the Emperor sent each a silver bowl full of the tea which was cooked with milk and roasted meal—a sort of Scotch porridge, still used by the Emperor and the Lama) of which he himself was accustomed to partake. It tasted very well and all the more so that the weather was very cold and they had been kept so long in the court in the open air. In the evening they were entertained to dinner by the General Governor of the Western Tartars by order of Kangxi. Many questions were asked after dinner about European manners and on taking leave and thanking the host, they were told that it was the Emperor's pleasure that they should on the following morning, before sunrise, be introduced. Before sunrise two officials came to conduct them, as the Emperor was ready and had been asking for them. They were treated to tea at the palace by an eunuch, who told them that the Emperor was then busy with state affairs, but that he had given orders that so soon as the business was transacted they should be admitted to an audience. At 2 P. M. after all the mandarins had left, a minister came by order and enquired if they wished to see the Emperor. To which they replied, that having come so long a way from Europe no honour could be greater, than to be permitted to make reverence to so great a monarch. When this was told to Kangxi, permission was granted and the two Jesuits were also invited as interpreters. They walked between them through the front court to the saloon where the Emperor eat. As soon as they entered they were obliged to kneel down before him and bow down the head three times to the ground. When this was done they stood up again, but had once more to bow down to make the reverence, and this ceremony was repeated for the third time, where they remained lying on their knees, until they received the order to come nearer the throne. A chamberlain took them by the hand and led them to the left side of the Emperor. The Jesuits however went to the right side of the throne, where cushions were placed beforehand upon which they were to kneel. The Emperor first asked after the health of the Czar, to which, through the Jesuits, they replied that they had heard in Moscow that after their departure from St. Petersburg the Czar had been indisposed but shortly thereafter they had received the glad tidings of his recovery. The Emperor said he was glad to hear this, and asked further how long they had been on the way, to which they answered 15 months. He then asked if they were not cold in the tight and short clothes they wore; to which they replied that the cold here was not unbearable and at home they were accustomed to a much harder cold, but that their custom was to wear fur to provide against it. The Emperor then spoke with his chamberlain, who immediately went out and brought in two damask coats lined with white fox-skin, and by order of the Emperor they both put them on over their own clothes. They testified their gratitude by bending the head to the ground; and as they by desire had put on also their gloves and had stood for some time longer, the Emperor ordered the Doctor to feel his pulse and to give him his opinion about it. ^[2] The Dr. obeyed and answered that he perceived from all the circumstances that his majesty was quite well. This diagnosis pleased the Emperor highly, and he permitted them again to stand up and to go to the chamberlain. They had no sooner gone to him and had sat down a little, than the Emperor sent them various kinds of food from his table boiled mutton, and roasted fowls, geese and ducks, all cut into very small pieces (to suit the chopsticks). Further there was brought a dish of fish dressed with quite small minced meat. A porcelain bowl with boiled rice and little cakes, which were filled with fruit, was served up. While they were at meal with the Jesuits and this chamberlain, a servant came from the Emperor to urge them to eat well and to inform him, how they were pleased with the meal. They returned thanks for the great favor and extolled the dishes to the skies. The messenger could himself see perfectly that the appetite did not fail them, although they were at first rather awkward in the use of the Chinese forks.

After meal, they received permission to return to their own quarters. Before leaving, however the Emperor called Parrenin to him, and through him made them the following compliment:—"His Majesty the Emperor of China and first king in the whole world, informs you that it is well-known to the same, that you are strangers in this land so distant from Europe, understanding neither the customs nor the language, but you should for that reason be only in good spirits for his majesty receives you not as strangers but as his own children." Whereupon they humbly returned thanks for the high favor of the Emperor. They had barely reached their quarters, when the chamberlain with the two Jesuits appeared, bringing from the Emperor a present of fruit, a very well-tasted melon, three different sorts of grapes and fresh currants, and asked at the same time, if they were disposed to wear their own or Chinese clothes while in China. After thanks for the present, they submitted in the matter of the clothes to the Emperor's order, whereupon they had two dresses, together with caps, shirts, stockings and boots distributed to them. One coat was lined with fox and the other with grey stuff. Next day the same parties came again to enquire if they were of the mind to send home anything to the Czar. They replied that there were many curious things which without doubt would please his Czarish Majesty, but that they had been such a short time in the country that they had not yet seen anything. The Emperor ordered them, just to let him know what His Majesty, the Czar, would desire and he would supply them out of his own cabinet. They informed the Emperor that the Czar had nearly all European rarities, but that the Chinese ones were wanting, and they left it to the Emperor's pleasure, what he should give them. They then left the palace and went to their own quarters where they found that a bed, clothes, and each a mule, with saddle and appartenances, for their constant use, had been sent from court. Horses were given to their servants, which were changed daily. Further a monthly allowance of sheep, rice and fodder was decreed, and brought correctly each month to their house. A mandarin waited upon them daily, and a good watch was placed around the house.

The first opportunity Lange had, of being alone with the Jesuits, he asked the French father, if it was possible to purchase a good porcelain stove, and requested him to assist him; to which he replied that such was difficult to get, because such things had never been seen nor made in China; but he desired a model, which when shown him, he thought an impossibility, and that no one would undertake the work, without the express command of the Emperor. Hereupon the father withdrew to the court, and an hour afterwards returned with a mandarin and desired by order of the Emperor to have the model of the stove. As soon as the Emperor saw it, he let Lange know that he need not trouble himself further about it, for no one could made such things for sale, but he would send a mandarin with the design to the province where porcelain was manufactured and have the stove made. Father Kilian who was President of the Mathematical Board in Beijing was ordered to make a model in wood, to give to the mandarin. Before this official departed, Lange invited him and presented him with some sables, that he might execute so much the better what waa committed to his charge. He promised also that he would be back in Beijing with the stove in August 1717.

On the 15th the Emperor sent word to Lange through the Governor General of the Western Tartars that he should get ready as soon as possible to return to Russia, as he had resolved to send an Embassy to his majesty the Czar, which he should convey thither, to which post two Chinese and two Tartar lords were thereupon named, and only one more was a wanting to complete the suite. In the meantime the Emperor went to the hunt, but they remained in Beijing. His Majesty returned from the hunt on the 20th January 1717 and remained some days in Changchunyuan (near Yuanmingyuan—the summer palace about 7 miles to the N. W. of Beijing) but shortly thereafter proceeded to Beijing to celebrate the festival of the new year.

On the 2nd February, new year's day, over 10,000 mandarins from the provinces came to Beijing to compliment the Emperor. It is known that the mandarins are divided into different classes. These of the first rank had the liberty of making their new year's congratulations in the innermost hall of the palace in which the Emperor sat with open door. Those of the second class were obliged to fall on their knees and make their reverence in the audience court looking towards the hall. Those of the third class, in the the third court; those of the fourth, in the fourth and so on. Over and above all these was a large number of other people who were in the employ of the Emperor and who manifested similar obligation to the Emperor, in the lanes before the gate of the palace.

All, from the highest to the lowest, were clothed in the best damask in the most excellent manner according to Chinese art, on which were wrought in gold all sorts of figures, such as dragons, lions, serpents, mountains, valleys, trees &c.; and on the outer garment, on the breast and on the back were to be seen small square spaces in which all sorts of animals and birds were embroidered. The dresses of the officers had lions, tigers, leopards &c. The literati called Doctors of Letters wore peacocks &c. The two servants of the Czar had the honor to salute the Emperor in the innermost court where the mandarins of the first order were, along with the Jesuit fathers. Here stood at the same time ten magnificently caparisoned elephants.

Among the mandarins of the third class, was one 100 years old, who was in office, when the present Tartar dynasty ruling in China seized the country. A messenger was sent by the Emperor to this person to inform him, that he would be permitted to congratulate the Emperor in the Imperial saloon, and when he came hither, the Emperor would rise from his throne; but he was hereby to know that the honor granted was not on account of his person but his age. After the ceremonies the Emperor received costly presents and started off again for Changchunyuan, where fireworks were prepared on the 15th at which all Europeans, by order of the Emperor, likewise Lange and the Doctor must appear.

At first were to be seen several wooden men standing towards each other and skirmishing with rockets instead of arrows; a part of both had to retreat, those who remained thereupon attacked a city, which was bombarded for half an hour and was defended. Hereupon fire was thrown into a bastion, in which were over two or three thousand rockets and which gave a terrible report. After this was to be seen many men with swords only in their hands on the wall, wheeling round and moving the hands. Below were others who fired upon these, during which time, two paper dragons three fathoms long and within fully lighted and holding lanterns in their wide-gaping jaws, were drawn round about the place for a short time, but disappeared soon with the men who defended the city; the others however continued to fire upon the city until another bastion was blown, up in the air. In the meanwhile, the two dragons appeared again, and were borne up and down the square, until at last, those who defended the city were obliged to yield, at which time also the dragons were carried away and the fireworks censed, several thousand lanterns were hung, which were painted with all sorts of beautiful colours and added not a little to the pleasure of the performance.

During the display of the fireworks, the Emperor sent several times to our two strangers to ask how it pleased them. The fathers told them that such fireworks had been regularly kept up without the slightest change for 2000 years by the ruling Emperors.

Having dwelt thus particularly so far on Lange's first visit to Beijing because it has never appeared in English, (that incorporated in Bell's Travels was his second Journey), I may adduce the reasons given by his friend to whom he shewed his M.S. in 1718, and who afterwards published it, so interesting did he consider it, who says, although it may be thought that these notices are superfluous, on account of the manifold descriptions which we have of China, still it will be found by perusal to contain much that is curious and worth reading; it will give also a new mental satisfaction—but we cannot now add his last reason—and all the more so that this is the latest news which we have from China.

In a subsequent paper we shall give the most remarkable events of his last two journeys to Beijing. This we deem, will not be unacceptable to English readers, inasmuch as they have never before appeared in English, and they contain much that is curious, illustrative of Chinese character, customs, manners, political relationships and especially of Russian commerce with China, itself most interesting.

Lange, and most probably also Garwin,—as Bell does not mention him at all in 1719—returned to Russia in 1717, for the former is reported in Moscow in the beginning of 1718, where he had waited several weeks for an interview with the Czar (the Czar left for Moscow on the last day of the year—his first visit to this ancient capital after an absence of eight years). The Czar when he heard of his successful expedition and saw the curios which he had brought with him (probably not the much desired porcelain stove however, if their return journey took as long as the one thither, for then they must have left immediately after the new year's (1717 festivities,) was greatly pleased, and it was this, that secured him the appointment with the mission of 1719. He does not seem to have taken with him to Russia the proposed Embassy, as no mention is made of it, and one would naturally suppose that the advent in Moscow, while the Emperor was there of such a startling and rare event as a Chinese Embassy to the white Khan, would have been a feature worth recording. It could not have preceded Ismailoff's mission, as no mention is made of it there, and from the causes which necessitated the next mission and the silence in the interval regarding it, it could not have started before 1727. Tulishen who was in Beijing and present at the concluding of both treaties, and who is said to have been one of the Ambassadors, nowhere is said to have been absent in the interval. Wassilyeff therefore in his Treaty of commerce p. 12 is doubtless right when he says that Tulishen went later (than the treaty of 1727) to Russia as an envoy from China. This embassy of Tulishen must not be confounded with that to the Tourgouths 13 years earlier. This last mission,—always excepting, the late encyclical one of Mr. Burlingame and his two Chinese co-ordinates, proceeded to St. Petersburgh and I am happy to state that the documents, which I am informed are very interesting, relating to this embassy, have come to light and will shortly be published with the permission of the Russian government in the Russian Asiatic Recorder.

While the Czar was in Moscow in March, news by another and later opportunity reached Russia from China that a persecution had broken out, in Beijing in May 1717, to the effect, that the Emperor at the instigation of the mandarins had determined to root out the Christian religion out of his dominions, (very strange conduct for an Emperor, who had Jesuits, night and day, round his court and person, and who would have been baptized but for his numerous concubines, to one of whom he was particularly attached), and that the persecution had already begun. In this extremity the fathers had written a very earnest letter to his Roman Imperial Majesty (Charles VI Emperor of Germany) and the same with another in Latin to the Czar.

The missionaries had for two years previously, been in great danger because those of their number who were sent to Rome to seek from the Pope, the desired indulgence for the new converts, of worshipping Confucius and the retention of certain heathen ceremonies, had not appeared again? Therefore they with the assent of the mandarin council, printed a revocatoria and issued it in the Latin, Chinese and Tartar languages throughout the whole world.

It was doubtless for the settlement of this question that His Holiness sent Mezzabarba to the Chinese court where he arrived 15th December 1720. Bell Vol. II p. 46, refers to the arrival of this ambassador and states the cause of dispute between the Jesuits and Dominicans in the matter of ancestral worship. Kangxi leaned to the side of the Jesuits who were in favor of permitting their converts to visit thu tombs of their relatives, hoping thereby to increase the number of their converts and in time to wean them from such superstitious ceremonies.
(To be continued.)